Introduction
As a native New Yorker, and social worker—though I recognize that not all Puerto Ricans born or raised in New York City accept or identify with the term Nuyorican, as I do—I’ve often reflected on how the terms Hispanic and Latino shape our identities in the United States. These labels are used broadly, often interchangeably, but they fail to fully capture the rich diversity within our respective communities. More recently, terms like Latinx and Latine have emerged to make space for non-binary gender identities, further complicating the discourse. The ways we are categorized are not just about semantics but have real implications for how we see ourselves and are perceived by others. This paper explores the evolving use of the term Hispanic in the U.S., while also reflecting on the implications for identity and representation within the broader Latino community, with a focus on how Caribbean Spanish-speaking nations like Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, and Cuba fit into this narrative.
Etymology and Early Use of Hispanic
The term Hispanic traces its roots to the Latin word Hispania, which referred to the Iberian Peninsula during the Roman Empire (Klor de Alva, 1988). Over time, this term became associated with Spain and, by extension, its colonies in Latin America. In the United States, however, the term Hispanic did not become common until the latter part of the 20th century. Prior to that, people of Latin American or of Spanish speaking Caribbean origin were generally identified by their specific nationality—such as Mexican, Puerto Rican, or Cuban (Rodriguez, 2000).
Growing up in New York City, I never felt connected to the term Hispanic. As someone who identifies as Nuyorican—despite the fact that not all Puerto Ricans in New York accept that label—my identity has always been shaped by my deep roots in Puerto Rico, yet influenced by my upbringing in New York, a city that blends so many cultures. This term Hispanic felt like it erased the nuances of those experiences, lumping us together with others based solely on a connection to a Spainish dialect. Furthermore, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, and Cuba are not even geographically part of Latin America, making this labeling even more complicated.
U.S. Government Adoption of the Term Hispanic
The U.S. government formally adopted the term Hispanic in the 1970s. Congress passed Public Law 94-311 in 1976, which required federal agencies to gather data on Americans of Spanish origin or descent (Oboler, 1995). By the time of the 1980 Census, Hispanic was used to group together people from Latin American and Spanish-speaking Caribbean nations, regardless of their national or ethnic differences (Gracia, 2000). While this standardization helped the government track demographic shifts, it also reduced the complex identities of millions of individuals into a single, catch-all term.
As a Nuyorican, I’ve always found this categorization to be problematic. Puerto Ricans, who are U.S. citizens by birth, have a unique political status. When we are categorized as Hispanic, our experiences of colonization and our distinct cultural history are often overlooked. Additionally, in recent years, new terms such as Latinx and Latine have gained traction, particularly among younger people who seek more inclusive and gender-neutral identifiers. These terms highlight the ongoing evolution of identity within the so-called Latino community, pushing back against the limitations of Hispanic.
Cultural and Identity Implications
The term Hispanic has had profound cultural implications in the United States. For some, it provides a unifying identity that connects Spanish-speaking people from various countries. However, for many—including myself—this term flattens the diversity within our communities. Growing up in El Barrio, a once predominantly Puerto Rican neighborhood of New York City, I often felt that Hispanic didn’t accurately reflect my experiences. It centered Spain in a way that ignored the deep African and indigenous, i.e., Taino roots that are an essential part of Puerto Rican culture. For this reason, I’ve always preferred the term Latino or Nuyorican, terms that feel more aligned with my identity and cultural background.
In my professional work, I encourage young people to explore how they want to be identified. In many cases, younger generations are leaning toward Latinx or Latine, while older generations are more comfortable with Hispanic. This is not unique to Puerto Ricans; on the West Coast, many U.S.-born Mexicans, particularly those of younger generations (baby boomers, and those born thereafter), embrace the term Chicano, while older Mexican immigrants prefer Mexican American. The term Chicano emerged during the 1960s Chicano Movement as a form of political activism, focusing on civil rights, workers’ rights, and cultural pride. Many older Mexican immigrants, however, prefer Mexican American, reflecting a desire for assimilation and the emphasis on their American identity(Mexico News Daily, 2020; Pew Research Center, 2013). This generational divide highlights the evolving ways identity is negotiated within the Mexican-American community.
This exploration is crucial because, in less than twenty years, today’s minorities will become the majority. Within that supermajority, the so-called Hispanic/Latino population will be the largest group.
This demographic shift is not just a question of numbers; it also speaks to the power of identity. In my view, the rise of the MAGA movement is a direct response to the inevitable browning of America. The political and cultural backlash we are witnessing reflects a fear of the growing influence of minority groups, particularly Latinos. As these changes continue, it becomes more important than ever for young people to define themselves on their own terms.
The Debate: Hispanic, Latino, Latinx, and Beyond
The ongoing debate between terms like Hispanic and Latino is not just about linguistic preferences—it’s about identity. A 2013 Pew Research Center survey found that roughly 50% of Latinos had no preference between the two terms, but a significant minority did have strong opinions. Thirty-three percent preferred Hispanic, while 15% preferred Latino (Pew Research Center, 2013). Preferences often vary based on age, national origin, and political beliefs. Older generations, particularly those who immigrated to the U.S., tend to prefer Hispanic, while younger, U.S.-born Latinos are more likely to embrace Latino or Latinx (Taylor, 2014).
The rise of Latinx is particularly significant among younger, progressive groups who seek a gender-neutral identifier. However, the term remains controversial, particularly among older, Spanish-speaking individuals who find it difficult to incorporate into their language (Salinas & Lozano, 2019). The term Latine is emerging as an alternative that is easier to pronounce in Spanish, showing that the conversation around identity is far from settled.
Machismo, Strongman Leadership, and Latino Support for Donald Trump
An often overlooked yet significant factor that may explain Donald Trump’s support among certain segments of the Latino/Hispanic community, particularly among men, is the cultural concept of machismo. Machismo is a deeply ingrained social value that emphasizes traditional masculinity, strength, dominance, and the role of the man as the protector of the family. Despite being challenged by progressive movements, machismo continues to resonate with many Latino men across generations (Arciniega et al., 2008). This cultural trait can translate into admiration for political leaders who project strength and decisiveness, traits often attributed to Trump’s persona.
Interestingly, this dynamic isn’t limited to men. Research suggests that many women within the Latino community, particularly those who have fled dictatorial regimes or authoritarian governments, also gravitate toward strongman figures, viewing them as capable of providing protection and stability (Domínguez, 2019). For women who have lived under or escaped oppressive regimes, a strongman leader may invoke a sense of familiarity, making Trump’s authoritarian tendencies attractive despite his controversial policies. In this regard, the psychological mechanism of Stockholm syndrome—whereby captives develop an emotional bond with their captors—can be a useful analogy. People who have lived under dictatorial rule may develop an attachment to authoritarian figures, viewing them as protectors despite the oppression they’ve experienced.
This mentality provides a window into understanding why certain Latino/Hispanic populations, particularly those coming from countries with a history of strongman rule, might find Trump appealing. The perception of strength and control, whether based in cultural machismo or a psychological response to trauma, creates a powerful draw to leaders who embody these traits (McIlwain, 2020). Thus, Trump’s tough rhetoric, anti-immigration stances, and hardline policies may paradoxically appeal to some segments of the Latino population, despite his broader negative impact on immigrant communities.
Conclusion
The terms Hispanic and Latino have long and complicated histories in the United States. For those of us who identify as Nuyorican, the ways we are categorized can often feel inadequate or reductive. The government’s decision to use Hispanic as a standardized label in the 1970s may have simplified data collection, but it fails to reflect the complex and diverse identities within our communities. As we look toward the future, it is critical that young people continue to explore how they wish to be identified, especially as Latinos are poised to become the largest demographic group in the U.S. Additionally, understanding the cultural and psychological factors—such as machismo and the attraction to strongman leadership—can help explain why certain segments of the Latino community have leaned toward Donald Trump, despite his otherwise contentious policies. The rise of movements like MAGA is a clear reaction to this inevitable demographic shift, and in my view, it is more important than ever for Latinos to embrace and assert their identities as the country changes.
References
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